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VICTOR SEGESVARY : LE RÉALISME KHROUCHTCHÉVIEN

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which, inevitably, were promoting the socialist revolution against the bourgeoisie of their respective

countries? In face of this fundamental choice Khrushchev realistically chose to support the national liberation

movement in order to gradually weaken the Western powers’ grasp on Middle Eastern Arab States. Real

interests are more important than ideological principles. This is what I call in the study under review the

fundamental option of Soviet policy during the Khrushchev years.

It must be added that the decision was not an entirely original one. Already Lenin recognized that in

the ideology of national liberation movements there is always “a general democratic content,” consequently

the communists have to support such movements.

His views are clearly stated in his “theses on the

international revolutionary movement:” He points out in this text that “the revolutionary movement [in the

colonies] finds itself in the democratic-bourgeois phase, that is, in the phase of preparation for the

establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and of launching the societal revolution... The democratic-

bourgeois revolution there differs from the revolution in independent countries mainly in that that it is

organically linked to the fight for national liberation from imperialist domination. The national element

considerably influences the revolutionary process in all colonies, as well as in the semi-colonies, where the

people suffer from the slavery maintained by the imperialists though, in some disguised forms, and arouses

the masses to revolt against it.”

E. Zhukov, one of the outstanding experts on questions related to newly independent countries, in a

tirade against the “dogmatists” and “sectarians” published by Pravda in August 1960 situated the new

approach favoring the national liberation struggle instead of societal revolution and, consequently, the

acceptance of political regimes dominated by the national bourgeoisie, in the worldwide context of pacific co-

existence. He recognized that the socialist transformation cannot be achieved automatically and

simultaneously in all countries.

The clearest definition of the national bourgeoisie was given by G.I. Levinson in a debate which took

place in Tashkent in 1957: “The national bourgeoisie is a class, of which the interests coincide, during a

given period, with the interests of the nation, that is, with the realization of the objectives of economic and

social progress in the country. However, it should not be forgotten that the identification of the interests of the

national bourgeoisie with those of the nation can never be complete. The class divisions and the

contradictions are not eliminated. It is possible to say that normally the national bourgeoisie can only exist in

colonies or other dependent countries.”

In order to show the importance of the realist choice made by Khrushchev in regard to Third World

nationalism and the role of the national bourgeoisie in the liberation movements, it is necessary briefly to

mention one of the greatest mistakes Stalin made before his death in 1953. This was his decision not to

support the Mossadeq government in Iran against Western efforts aiming to eliminate it – with success. It is

well known today that Stalin at the end of his life adopted more and more ideologically conservative policies.

He decided, as became evident in the Mossadeq case, that the capitalist classes, that is, the national

bourgeoisie in developing countries cannot be reliable allies in the fight against imperialism. This bourgeoisie

is a virtual traitor whatever its role may be in the nationalist movement. Only the working class can lead the

struggle for national liberation under the leadership of the Communist parties. Mossadeq personified, in the

eyes of Stalin, this type of questionable nationalism, and he decided not to support him in the face of

Western attacks. Soviet policies at this time, as well as the policies of the Communist party of Iran, the

LENIN, V. I. Sotchinenija, Moskva, Gos-izd-vo polit. lit-ry, 1941, vol. 20, p. 384

The Communist International, 1919-1943; documents. Selected and edited by Jane Degras. London, Royal Institute for

International Affairs, 1956, p. 537. The subtitle of the section is: Thesis on the Revolutionary Movements in the Colonies.

Mao Tsé-Toung as well divided the Chinese revolution in two distinct phases: “The nature of the Chinese society being

colonial, semi-colonial, semi-feudal, it is evident that the revolution has to have two phases. The first is constituted by the

transformation of this colonial, semi-colonial, semi-feudal society into an independent and democratic society; the second

is constituted by the revolutionary development towards the construction of a socialist society.” MAO TSÉ-TOUNG, La

nouvelle démocratie. Paris, Editions Sociales, 1951, p. 47.

ZHOUKOV, E. Znamjenatel'nyj faktor nasego vremeni. Pravda, 26 August 1960.

Diskoussija ab ekonomitcheskih i politicheskih pozitzija natzional’noj-bourjouazii v strana Vostoka. Sovjetskoje

vostokovedenije, 1957, No.1, p.176.

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